Breaking the Mold: Women as Agents of Terrorism

Terrorism is a man’s game and women’s role in violence is often neglected due to the widely believed societal myth that women are inherently non-violent. Women are seen as life-givers rather than life-takers, and are commonly associated with peace, cooperation, and dialogue rather than terrorism. When women are discussed in the context of terrorism, they are frequently portrayed as passive victims, reinforcing stereotypical notions of female vulnerability. 

However, recent trends in terrorist organizations and attacks stand in stark contrast to such assumptions. Women have not only actively taken part in spreading extremism but have also been directly involved in inflicting violence by performing deadly attacks such as suicide bombings. 

Many women in terrorism have often used their roles as mothers and educators in society as a tool to radicalize others. 

Samira al-Jassem, widely known as Umm al-Mumineen, which translates into “Mother of believers,” is one such example. While living in Sinsin village located in the Diyala province, Jaseem was accused of training at least eighty women to take part in suicide terrorism in support of the al-Qaeda. Twenty-eight of them successfully carried out suicide bombings following her instructions. In a confessional video she later retracted, Jaseem admitted that she helped orchestrate rapes in Diyala. Accordingly, she would later intervene and convert the victims to suicide bombers to escape the cultural shame associated with rape in Iraq. 

Such accounts are not limited to women living in war-torn countries like Iraq. Malika El-Aroud who resided in Belgium, at the heart of Europe, tactfully used modern technology to recruit and persuade others to join the jihadist cause. Using websites and forums such as Minbar SOS, which attracted over 1400 full-time members, and Ansar al-Haqq, she used guilt and glory to push others to join jihadists in the name of protecting the ummah, the global Muslim community. Going further, Aroud posted guidelines on how to make bombs and allowed al-Qaeda affiliates to publish resources through her websites. Her teachings have inspired individuals like Muriel Degauque, considered to be the first European female suicide bomber, to carry out the deadly attack on American troops in Iraq in 2005. Due to her influence and devotion to al-Qaeda, she is also known as “Mother Jihad,” “Black Widow of the Jihad,” and “First Lady of Jihad.”

Jaseem in Iraq and Aroud in Belgium show that women have undoubtedly played a significant role in radicalizing and advancing extremism. Therefore, counterterrorism mechanisms should strip away stereotypical notions of seeing women only as victims and reflect the active role women play in radicalizing the future generation.

Apart from spreading extremism, women have also played an active role in inflicting violence through suicide attacks. Research indicates that female suicide bombers are more successful and lethal with an average of 8.4 victims in comparison to 5.3 for attacks carried out by men. 

This makes female suicide bombers more attractive to terrorist organizations. For instance, female suicide bombers make up over two-thirds of the suicide attackers of Boko Haram in Nigeria, killing over 1200 between 2014-2018. Similarly, 30-40% of the overall suicide attacks that were carried out by Black Tigers, the suicide squad of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka, were composed of women. 

Several reasons can explain this strategic success of using women as suicide bombers. 

Firstly, women are less likely to be suspected as terrorists, allowing them to get better access to targets while avoiding detection. Thenmozhi Rajaratnam, famously known as Dhanu, who was a part of the Black Tigers of LTTE, detonated herself while presenting a flower garland to the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. Her unassuming nature allowed her to steer clear of any suspicions making her attack successful. 

Similarly, the Black Tiger who established her alias by repeatedly visiting the Army hospital while pretending to be pregnant, attacked the Sri Lankan Army Commander in 2006 by hiding the bomb in her stomach. 

This ability of women to pass security checkpoints without raising suspicion, often due to stereotypes of female non-violence and cultural protections, was well used by terrorist organizations.  

As a result, many jihadist suicide bombers have used traditional garments such as abayas and burkas to hide their suicide vests. As men are not allowed to touch women in traditional Muslim societies, such contraptions go undetected. 

Boko Haram’s repeated use of female suicide bombers and exploitation of their traditional clothing to evade detection in attacks in Fotokol, Cameroon, and Borno state in Nigeria is one such example. Bibi Halima who attacked U.S. and Afghan soldiers that were on patrol in Kunar province is another who hid her suicide vest under her burqa. This tactical advantage has also prompted men to disguise themselves as women on several occasions in Afghanistan.

Secondly, female suicide bombings generate more attention and media coverage both locally and internationally, advancing terrorist organizations’ publicity goals. 

Liza Taraki, a Palestinian sociologist, stated that “Suicide attacks are done for effect, and the more dramatic the effect, the stronger the message; thus a potential interest on the part of some groups in recruiting women.”

According to research conducted by Mia Bloom, a suicide attack carried out by a woman produces eight times more media coverage and articles than a male counterpart. Given the ever-changing landscape of conflict and the expanding digital sphere in which terrorist organizations are competing for visibility, the use of women as suicide bombers becomes a strategic choice.

The societal myth that promotes women to be inherently non-violent causes the shock factor of female suicide bombers to be amplified. Consequently, the psychological effects of female suicide bombers go beyond the immediate victims of the attack and reach a much larger audience. This allows the cause of the terrorist groups to gain publicity and even sympathy. 

The presence of a female suicide bomber is startling in itself, but even more so when she is young, attractive, and seemingly accomplished.

Sana’a Mehaidli, a 17-year-old Christian from Lebanon, carried out a suicide attack against the Israeli occupation in 1985. The following year, Norma Abi Hassan, a 29-year-old Christian, drove a car filled with explosives to a checkpoint of the Israeli-backed South Lebanon Army militia. Similarly, Wafa Idris, the first Palestinian female suicide bomber and a 27-year-old ambulance driver for the Red Crescent Society, detonated herself on a crowded street in Jerusalem. These cases illustrate how young, conventionally attractive women, those who embodied the “girl next door” image, were deliberately chosen as suicide bombers. Their involvement not only intensified the psychological impact of the attacks but also generated significant public and media attention.

Hence, it is clear that women, transcending geographical and religious boundaries, have taken an active part in conducting suicide bombings and inflicting terror and violence. Their involvement has provided strategic benefits to many terrorist organizations allowing successful attacks and amplified media attention. 

The question remains as to why women would choose to turn their bodies into weapons. Despite the common misconception, women who engage in suicide terrorism are not all passive and vulnerable victims. While there are many accounts where rape victims join the LTTE as suicide bombers or women are coerced into carrying out attacks by Boko Haram, studies show that many women share similar motivations for becoming suicide bombers as their male counterparts. 

Mia Bloom categorized these motivations under what she calls the “R Theory,” identifying redemption, revenge, respect, and relationships as common reasons cited by women who become suicide bombers.

Consequently, there is no one-size-fits-all profile for female suicide bombers. They vary widely in background, religion, geography, and pathways to radicalization. Many have also led seemingly stable lives and careers, challenging the stereotype that only marginalized women engage in such acts.

Yet despite these nuances, a common thread persists: the societal status of women often remains unchanged—or even worsens. While female suicide bombers are sometimes romanticized as heroes or martyrs, their actions have not led to meaningful emancipation. Women continue to be largely excluded from leadership roles within terrorist organizations, and many face disempowerment after carrying out attacks or failing to do so. Rather than receiving the recognition they may have anticipated, they are frequently ostracized for defying gender norms and failing to adhere to traditional roles.

Therefore, it is imperative that the continuous participation of women as suicide bombers and their targeted recruitment by terrorist organizations for strategic advantage be reflected in counterterrorism measures. Security protocols embedded with stereotypical gender roles should be updated. We must recognize that women are fully capable of playing operational roles within terrorist organizations—as recruiters, planners, intelligence gatherers, and suicide bombers. Ignoring this reality creates dangerous blind spots in both prevention and response efforts.

Furthermore, counterterrorism strategies must incorporate gender-sensitive approaches that take into account the specific psychological, social, and cultural drivers influencing women. Tailored interventions are more likely to be effective in deterring female recruitment and supporting rehabilitation for those who have disengaged from violent extremism.

Finally, counterterrorism efforts must actively disrupt the narratives that terrorist organizations use to recruit women. Groups often portray female participation as a path to empowerment, heroism, or redemption—especially in contexts where women feel socially or politically marginalized. However, the reality is that many women are excluded from leadership roles, used for tactical purposes, and abandoned or shunned afterward. Strategic counter-narratives that expose this exploitation and emphasize the long-term disempowerment many women experience can be powerful tools in undermining terrorist propaganda and preventing further recruitment.

By Nimaya Premachandra, Research Fellow and Public Relations Lead, Rise to Peace